Geithner's lifelong love of bailouts
Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner faces tough hearings next week before the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee. But will any of the Congress members take him to task for his own role in creating last year's financial crisis?
Geithner refuses to take responsibility for "the legacy of crises you've [that is, the Republicans] bequeathed this country," as he told Rep. Kevin Brady (R-Texas) before the Joint Economic Committee in November. He apparently believes that the long string of Wall Street bailouts with which he's been associated -- starting with the Mexican "peso crisis" in 1994 -- had nothing to do with our financial institutions' widespread expectation that Washington would bail them out when they screwed up big-time.
Indeed, Geithner's consistent support for big-bank rescues dooms any real efforts to end "too big to fail." That's why, for the nation to truly move past the crisis, Geithner needs to go.
Although Geithner first came to Treasury in 1988, he didn't hold any leadership positions until 1995. But it was during those early years that he developed his apparent contempt for Congress and representative government.
In 1994, Mexico found itself unable to repay loans to a host of Wall Street investment banks. The Clinton administration pushed legislation to lend Mexico the cash -- but the new Congress voted it down. Geithner, then deputy assistant secretary for international monetary and financial policy, orchestrated back-door assistance to Mexico via Treasury's Exchange Stabilization Fund.
There was a national-interest case for helping out our southern neighbor. But it remains true that Wall Street was a huge beneficiary of that rescue -- it escaped paying a price for tens of billions in foolish lending.
Geithner, meanwhile, soon found himself in the middle of another round of bailouts -- as Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin's point man with the International Monetary Fund on the Asian financial crisis. The claim was that IMF "rescue packages" were needed to stabilize Asian economies -- but US banks again saw their losses reduced as a result.
On leaving Treasury, Geithner soon ended up at the IMF, an organization whose primary purpose seems to be to bail out US and European banks when they suffer losses on their developing-world investments -- a mission Geithner evidently shares.
From 2003 until his 2009 appointment as Treasury secretary, Geithner served as president of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York. The New York Fed's role as the top Wall Street watchdog can't be overstated -- so if regulatory failure contributed to the recent financial crisis, then few regulators contributed more than the New York Fed and its chief, Tim Geithner.
Plus, the New York Fed chief is a permanent member of the Federal Open Market Committee -- the Fed body that determines monetary policy. And Geithner strongly supported the Fed policies of that era -- particularly the overly expansionary monetary policy that directly contributed to the housing bubble.
Yes, the chief blame falls on former Fed Chairman Alan Greenspan (and to a lesser degree with then-Fed governor Ben Bernanke), but Geithner had plenty of chances to voice concerns about the growing housing bubble. He didn't.
Thankfully, Secretary Geithner's efforts to move his financial-regulatory "reforms" through Congress have so far failed. The core of his plan involves giving the Fed permanent bailout authority, which would be an unmitigated disaster: We need to end the cycle of bailouts, not double down on it.
If there's a common thread to almost every bank bailout over the last 15 years, it's that Timothy Geithner was always somewhere in the room. Each of these "rescues" brought short-term stability to our financial markets -- but only at the cost of long-term instability.
Only a handful of individuals could truly be called architects of our financial-regulatory system. Geithner, without a doubt, is one. To pretend he just now arrived on the scene is not only dishonest, it's dangerous. Without an honest assessment of how the long string of bailouts contributed to the current crisis -- an assessment that involves admitting Geithner's role -- we have little hope of avoiding future crises.
Mark A. Calabria is the Cato Institute's director of financial-regulation studies.
"That said, I guess my question would be 'What should happen when the overwhelming majority of consumers do not feel like an entire industry is looking out for them?" I have no problem with megacoporations with what I feel is fair pricing and a product I want/need. If i don't want to shop there, i wont; freedom of choice. But insurance companies don't give you that choice to a large extent."
I took issue his contention that an "overwhelming majority of consumers do not feel like an entire industry is looking out for them." Polling by the Kaiser Foundation consistently shows that satisfaction with one's own health care is north of 80 %---and that includes two thirds of women. Even Ezra Klein, a liberal blogger over at the American Prospec, acknowledges this, and correctly highlights that the prospects for reform are quite dim as long as people generally regard their insurance coverage as sufficient.
After asking Justin to substantiate his claim, he pointed me to another poll which claims that 3 out of 4 people are dissatisfied with the overall cost of health care in this country. In fact, the poll results are slightly nuanced :
More than eight in 10 Americans questioned in a CNN/Opinion Research Corp. survey released Thursday said they're satisfied with the quality of health care they receive.
And nearly three out of four said they're happy with their overall health care coverage.
But satisfaction drops to 52 percent when it comes to the amount people pay for their health care, and more than three out of four are dissatisfied with the total cost of health care in the United States.
Note that over half of poll responders say that they are satisfied with what they pay for health. That 48% of people who are either dissatisfied or unsure. Furthermore, I hypothesized that that particular question polls highly because many folks are being fed a narrative by politicians and the mainstream media that there is a looming crisis when it comes to health care costs and the time for reform is now. He responded that an increased level of attention to the issue cannot account for all 75 % of that poll result. This might be a case where he and I are both right.
Look i don't think the health care thing has gone well AT ALL. Its a mess and its going to create more problems than solutions (my premiums will surely be going up quite a bit).
What he says is spot on. Little does he know that he would get vilified by his fellow travellers for acknowledging such an observation.
All I am saying is that in all the research I have done on insurance for my own personal benefit, I cant get what I feel is a fair shake and it doesn't seem like there are other companies I can turn to. The status quo was not adequate and hasn't been for some time (Nixon gave a big speech in the 70s about the problems w/ the insurance industry so its been on the radar for decades). That said, the proposed solution will not be adequate either (and yes, potentially worse)
I think all of John Mackey's reform ideas would help. The only phenomena that throughout history, has helped to lower costs and put downward pressure on prices over time are free markets, competition, and innovation. Despite what many people think, the private insurance market in this country is NOT an unfettered free market. It is a highly regulated market with price controls, 50 different sets of rules for each state, and numerous barriers to enter the market. The solutions seem obvious to me and to those endangered species of liberals who mistrust government.
To sum it up: We need outside the box thinkers. The things Republicans want and Democrats want are so by-the-book Republican and Democrat that this mess almost seemed inevitable in a depressing sort of way. Unfortunately outside the box thinkers have a tough time getting into and/or wanting to be in the government. So very Plato via Philosopher-Kings.
I'm not entirely sure I agree with all of this. Most of the reforms posted above are reforms that the right-wing intelligentsia has been touting for years. I consider them to be 'by-the-book Republican.' I don't know of any ideas that are MORE 'Republican' than these. Also, there exists some variation within the Democratic party about what the future of the health care industry should look like. Some Democrats want a single-payer system. The Clintons wanted "managed competition" between four big insurers. Others want a private market but highly regulated and micromanaged to suit their ideals--a market replete with individual mandates and compulsory enrollment.
As usual, Justin went over my head very quickly with the Greek philosophy reference.
Thoughts please....